Trending December 2023 # Meet Devuan, The Debian Fork Born From A Bitter Systemd Revolt # Suggested January 2024 # Top 12 Popular

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Debian’s suffering a civil war, and it’s all because of systemd. A Debian systemd maintainer and others have resigned, a splinter group threatened to fork Debian if the controversial init system was made mandatory, and a Debian Technical Comitttee vote chose systemd as Debian’s default init system.

The latest development is a vote that concluded “Support for other init systems is recommended, but not mandatory.” In other words, packages in Debian can force the use of systemd.

Now, the group that threatened the fork is making good on their threat.

Don’t you do it, Debian—or else

While Debian has been planning to move to systemd by default, one thing that was up in the air was whether packages would be allowed to depend on systemd itself. A détente could have been reached if Debian used systemd by default, but packages had to support other init systems. Now, users who choose not to use systemd might install packages in the repository and find that they won’t work, or may try to pull in the full systemd package.

This is unacceptable to a group calling themselves the “Veteran Unix Admins (VUA).” Before the vote, they issued an ultimatum, saying they would fork Debian if systemd became the default init system and Debian allowed software packages to depend specifically on systemd. “Roll up your sleeves, we may need to fork Debian,” their website read before the vote. That happened, so the VUA has now announced a Debian fork named “Devuan.” The VUA describes Devuan’s goals as follows:

“Devuan will derive its own installer and package repositories from Debian, modifying them where necessary, with the first goal of removing systemd, still inheriting the Debian development workflow while continuing it on a different path: free from bloat as a minimalist base distro should be. Our objective for the spring of 2023 is that users will be able to switch from Debian 7 to Devuan 1 smoothly, as if they would dist-upgrade to Jessie, and start using our package repositories.“

Forking for freedom!

So, why the fork? Well, systemd, of course! As they explain: “Devuan aims to be a base distribution whose mission is protect the freedom of its community of users and developers. Its priority is to enable diversity, interoperability and backward compatibility for existing Debian users and downstream distributions willing to preserve Init freedom.”

The long, hard work begins

Devuan’s goal is for existing Debian users to switch from their current version of Debian to Devuan smoothly, rather than upgrade to the next version of Debian—“Jessie”—that will contain systemd. That’s why the current goal is to take all that Debian code, strip out the systemd stuff, and package it all up in their own repositories.

After that, with users hopefully switching over, the next step is to rebuild Debian’s infrastructure. The goal is for Devuan to effectively be the new Debian, with package maintainers, developers, and users fleeing from Debian to Devuan. Devuan would then become a competitor to Debian, or (some would hope) eclipse Debian entirely, with all the Debian contributors moving over to the new project.

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Or is it just a tempest in a teacup?

It’s clear that some people are very passionate about Debian switching to systemd, hence the creation of the VUA and Devuan in the first place. But what’s not clear is how many people are actually passionate enough about this. Debian is a massive project, with hundreds of contributors and millions of users. It’s going to take a lot of work, a lot of people, and a lot of hours to build a new project and turn it into a competitor to Debian.

After all, Devuan is heading out on their own here. Fedora, Red Hat, openSUSE, SUSE Enterprise, Arch Linux, Mageia, and other distributions have all switched to systemd. Debian and Ubuntu are in the process of doing so. Only Slackware and Gentoo haven’t announced plans to do so, and they may even go along someday as the Linux ecosystem continues moving in that direction.

If Debian were really going against the wishes of its users, then this fork could certainly be successful. But how many people care enough to put the long hours and effort into this? Well, we’ll just have to wait and see.

In the meantime, you can pour your passion into a project—involvement makes Linux go ‘round, after all. If you believe passionately in VUA’s stance, then Devuan needs your help. Or if you like Debian and aren’t particularly perturbed by systemd—hey, even Linus Torvalds doesn’t mind systemd much—then Debian could always use your support, too.

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Everything Big Tech Knows About A Baby By The Time It’s Born

Veronica Barassi is a professor in Media and Communications at the School of Humanities and Social Sciences at the University of St. Gallen in Switzerland. She is the author of Activism on the Web: Everyday Struggles against Digital Capitalism and Child Data Citizen: How Tech Companies Are Profiling Us from before Birth, from which this article is adapted. This story originally featured on MIT Press Reader.

“Track your period, ovulation, symptoms, moods, and so much more in one beautiful app!” So begins a promotional blurb for Ovia, one of several fertility apps on the market boasting its ability to monitor women’s health and fertility cycles.

Tens of millions of prospective parents use fertility apps like Ovia, in addition to Google and other sites to search for information on how to conceive, meaning the datafication of family life can begin from the moment in which a parent thinks about having a baby. After conception, many of these families move on to pregnancy apps, the market for which has also grown enormously in recent years.

Tracking the health of the unborn and women is certainly not new, yet with the use of pregnancy apps, this surveillance and tracking has reached a new level. These apps are enabling a situation whereby corporations have access to a grab bag of personal data on the unborn, including not only health markers like weight and heart rate, but also cultural background, the parents’ thoughts, family ties, and family medical history, to name a few.

Once a baby is born, parents might use baby trackers or wearables to manage the baby’s routine and record sleep times, feeds, and bowel movements. Again, documenting these behaviors is not new. Families of newborns have historically jotted this information in journals. When my first daughter was born, my mother showed me the journal that she kept of me as a newborn. Written in black ink on yellow pages and in my mother’s familiar handwriting, there was a list of feeding times, naps, and diaper changes. She kept the journal in a drawer of her study and no one outside our family had access to it. Consequently, even if the tracking of the baby, like the tracking of the unborn, has always existed, baby apps—with their charts, reports, and interactive elements—have greatly transformed this historical practice and given it a new datacentric dimension.

Why data tracking matters

Some would describe parents’ attachment to data as a form of “data obsession” or “data fetishism.” Yet anthropological literature on the fetish shows that humans often don’t fetishize objects (or data) as a form of lunacy, they fetishize them because these objects embed, represent, and remind them of their social relationships. At times, parents form a deep emotional bond with their data-tracking technologies because these technologies enable them to live and experience the important relationships in their lives. A user of one of the pregnancy apps that I analyzed, for instance, described the app as her “best buddy” helping her through “all the stages of pregnancy.”

Data tracking for family life matters, and it matters for a variety of reasons that reflect the plurality of data that we produce. We record data because we want to capture instances of our experience, and we feel an emotional bond to some of the data that we produce. On the day I discovered I was pregnant with my first daughter, I took a picture of my body with the Photo Boot app on my MacBook. Every week for nine months I documented my pregnancy. I also used the computer to take screen grabs of my sister’s and my friends’ reactions to the news of my pregnancy after I told them on Skype. I saved all my pictures in a folder, titled “family.” That data was so special to me — irreplaceable. When I thought I had lost it because my computer had crashed, I felt lost, angry, and terribly upset; when my tech-savvy friend told me that no harm had been done, I was excited and relieved.

Long before data-tracking technologies, everyday life was documented with precision in personal diaries. family journal, via 1909 Ventilo

Data tracking in family life has a long history and a profound emotional dimension. But in the past, parents who used journals to track their families’ routines owned and controlled the data that they produced, because like my mother they owned their journals and often kept them in safe places. Today this data is stored, processed, and profiled in ways that escape parental knowledge and control.

As parents buy into the promises of data tracking, they produce large amounts of children’s data that is then archived, analyzed, and sold; hence, they play an active role in the datafication of children. However, the datafication of children does not only occur because parents play an active role and use data-tracking technologies. In fact, not all parents use pregnancy and baby apps, and many parents that I met during my research often complained that data tracking was “too much work.”

This article is adapted from Veronica Barassi’s book “Child Data Citizen: How Tech Companies Are Profiling Us from before Birth.“ MIT Press

Yet even among those families who do not use mHealth apps or wearables, children are nevertheless datafied from before birth. This is because they are exposed to the business models and the data-brokering practices of surveillance capitalism, which enable companies to track children from before conception.

The datafication of children: no way out

In her article published in Time magazine in 2014, she explained that trying to hide her pregnancy made her look and feel like a criminal, because she had to employ different tactics such as using Tor as browser to access content of the BabyCenter. She thus came to the conclusion that trying to avoid becoming a “pregnant data subject” made her look not only like a rude family member or an inconsiderate friend, but like a bad citizen. For mothers-to-be like Vertesi, it is impossible not to be tracked and profiled as data subjects. In fact, the tracking of pregnancy and early infancy has become a fact of our datafied lives under surveillance capitalism, which families cannot avoid.

Early infancy is just the beginning of the datafication of children and their families. As children grow up, parents search Google with age-specific queries and land on web pages such as those of chúng tôi or chúng tôi that are already structured around age (getting pregnant, baby, toddler, preschooler, big kid) and share this information with others.

However, the datafication of families and children is not only happening because families use apps, search engines, or social media, but also because, with the extension of surveillance capitalism, the society around them (e.g., the school, doctor, bank) is increasingly becoming automated and data driven. From doctor’s appointments to schools, from supermarkets to home technologies, family life is being surveilled, tracked, and analyzed in almost unimaginable ways.

The datafied family and surveillance capitalism

One of the big changes brought by surveillance capitalism is the introduction of the cultural belief that data offers us a deeper form of knowledge. According to Viktor Mayer-Schönberger and Kenneth Cuckier, the authors of an internationally renowned book on the big data revolution,

When I interviewed Mike, a Los Angeles-based father of two kids aged 12 and 5 years in 2023, I asked him if he could imagine the data flows that came out of his family life. Mike laughed, looked up, and said, “massive amounts; unimaginable amounts.” Mike was aware that his family was being datafied not only because he used specific technologies (e.g., social media), but also because all the services that he encountered in his life were increasingly becoming data driven and automated (e.g., the energy suppliers, schools, doctors, among others). When Mike described the different data flows that came out of his family, he told me that he could remember a time when “There was not so much data out there.” In the last 10 years, he believed, something changed. There was a shift in the ways in which “society understood and valued personal data” and consequently in the amounts of data that was produced and collected. He described this transformation as a gradual push by companies, firms, and institutions to make you produce more and more data so that they could track it and profile it.

Mike and Dan perceived the transformation as gradual. Yet there is something profoundly unequal about the different ways in which the datafication of society has impacted highly educated or high-income families on the one hand and low-income or less educated families on the other.

The unequal impact of datafication of families

Both Mike and Dan were highly educated with high income and experienced the datafication of family life as a gradual transformation. Their experience of change radically clashed with the experience of those parents who came from a low-income or less educated background and who told me that they experienced the transformation as sudden, unexpected, and difficult to deal with.

Alexandra, for instance, was a low-income Hungarian immigrant working in London. Alexandra was married to Sid, who was from Nigeria, and had two children aged 8 and 10 years. She and her husband suddenly realized that their data was constantly collected because all the services around her were being digitized. “[There is so much data] because everything changed, everything went online. Like online banking, I am resisting it, but they make it impossible to go to the branch because they are closing branches down, so I end up using it. I don’t do much with it because I don’t understand it much,” she told me when we spoke in 2023.

For Mariana, like Alexandra, the change was quite sudden, and she felt that she lacked the skills to cope with it. Mariana was a Mexican immigrant who worked as a cleaner in Los Angeles and was a widow with four children, aged 11 to 23 years. “I know nothing about technologies” she told me when I started her interview. In contrast to her children who “were always on their phones or tablets,” Mariana managed not to use an email or a smartphone up until 2023. Then something changed; she was forced to go online. The school of her youngest children (11 and 13) started to rely on an online platform for homework and internal communications. She felt that she had no choice; she had to learn because she wanted to support them. Once she started going online, she suddenly became aware of social media and of how much information her children were posting online. “It was shocking and worrying, I did not know what to do,” she told me.

Mariana’s and Alexandra’s interviews were thus strikingly different from Mike and Dan. For them, the datafication of family life — which went hand-in-hand with the digitization of services — was more of a shock than a gradual process. They felt isolated and felt that they lacked the knowledge and skills to cope with the change.

The different experiences of Mike, Dan, Mariana, and Alexandra speak to the fact that social inequality plays a fundamental role in the way in which the datafication of family life and children is experienced and dealt with.

This inequality was also reflected in the ways in which they understood data privacy. If we compare Mariana’s and Mike’s understanding of the implications of the datafication of family life, they are strikingly different. Mike, like so many other parents that I worked with, felt that “he would prefer for the data to be private” but that “he had nothing to hide.” For Mariana, “the data out there was scary,” and a real concern, as she could clearly see how it could impact and harm her and her family.

It is precisely because the society around them is becoming more and more data-driven that parents no longer have a choice but to sign terms and conditions and give their consent for the lawful processing of children’s data. Despite that current data protection regulations focus a lot on parental consent, under surveillance capitalism, the notion of informed consent is exceptionally problematic. This is because, in the everyday life of families, digital participation is no longer only voluntary but increasingly more coerced as parents are forced to comply with data-driven and automated systems.

Datafied children and the problem with consent

One day in Los Angeles in 2023, my family was invited to join a group of friends at an indoor play area in a shopping mall in the Valley. That day we had been stuck in traffic for more than an hour. When we arrived at the play area, P (who at the time was 4 years old) and A (at the time 6 months old) were hungry, frustrated, and whiny. As soon as I reached the counter to purchase the tickets, the employee behind the desk asked me to write down my children’s names, dates of birth, home address, my phone number, and email. I was also given the option to note my social media accounts. I felt annoyed. Why did I need to provide all that information simply to be allowed access to a play area? I really did not want to write down my children’s birth data and home address.

On an average family day, parents join new services, download new apps, connect with others on social media, or buy the latest home devices. In doing this, they sign off on the terms and conditions of a variety of services and give their meaningful consent that provides companies the right to lawfully process their children’s data. During my research, however, I came to the conclusion that—as it happened to me that day at the play area—the consent that most parents give is not informed or meaningful.

A great majority of the parents that I interviewed did not read the terms and conditions. This is not surprising. To read data policies requires an enormous amount of time that parents often do not have. In 2008, Aleecia McDonald and Lorrie Faith Cranor, two internet privacy scholars, calculated that reading all the privacy policies of the websites that users encountered in daily life would take approximately 201 hours a year for each US user. Their calculation was based on the fact that to read an average policy takes from 8 to 10 minutes and that at the time, according to the data of Nielsen/Net Rating, an average US user would visit 119 websites annually. Our digital environments have changed dramatically in the last 10 years, and there is no way to calculate how much time it would take for an average user to read all the privacy policies.

Parents do not read terms and conditions because they would never find the time to read them. They also do not read them because they feel they have no choice: either they agree to the terms of service or they would not have access to important services in their life. This lack of choice is understood as the privacy trade-off in which users give up personal data just to be able to access specific platforms and services. Some experts have described this act as digital resignation because people resign to give up their personal data to enjoy a service. They argue that digital resignation has not only become a shared and normalized practice among users, but it is also constantly cultivated by corporations who encourage and reinforce it.

The day that I found myself signing off the terms and conditions of the play area, I resigned to give up the data of my children. I felt the pressure: Either I agreed to give up that data, or I had to tell my daughter that we were not going to meet her friends. In my daily life I am constantly coaxed into acts of digital resignation. Although I try to protect my children’s privacy, on a daily basis I buy into the privacy trade-off. During my research, however, I realized that surveillance capitalism does not only rely on the cultivation of digital resignation but also on the systematic coercion of digital participation. This is because, in many instances, the parents I was working with, and myself included, were not just resigning to digitally participate, they were actually forced to do so.

Children today are the very first generation of citizens to be datafied from before birth, and we cannot foresee—as yet—the social and political consequences of this historical transformation. What is particularly worrying about this process of datafication of children is that companies like Google, Facebook, and Amazon are harnessing and collecting multiple typologies of children’s data and have the potential to store a plurality of data traces under unique ID profiles. It is for this reason that we need to break down children’s different data flows and analyze the practices, beliefs, and structures that make these flows possible. Only by doing so can we grasp the complexity and breadth of the datafication of children.

One Small Pawprint: Meet The Astro


This week, Iran claimed it finally succeeded in its long-fought effort to launch a monkey into space. The poor creature did not appear to enjoy the preparations, according to the pained, slightly constipated expression in photographs of him in his safety seat. That got us thinking about the many other animals to have ventured into space before him. A veritable zoo of creatures, from dogs and cats to apes and amoebas, has visited space on our behalf.

Many of them were lost or sacrificed in the name of research, but several had happy endings, returning safely to Earth and living out their days in zoos. Without their sacrifice and the biomedical research it enabled, humans may have been in greater danger when we first tried to visit space. Check out our gallery to see some of the greatest spacefaring creatures.

Baker the Squirrel Monkey

This guy was one of the first two monkeys to survive spaceflight. He lifted off on a Jupiter rocket May 28, 1959, with a rhesus macaque named Able. The monkeys rode in the missile’s nose cone to 360 miles above the Earth, well beyond the eventual orbits of the space shuttle and station. The animals were in microgravity for about 9 minutes, and their spacecraft reached a top speed of 10,000 mph, according to NASA’s History Office. Both survived, but Able died four days later while undergoing surgery to remove a sensor. Incredibly, Baker lived another 25 years until he died Nov. 29, 1984, at the U.S. Space and Rocket Center in Huntsville, Ala.

Belka and Strelka

The best-known Soviet spacedog is Laika, a stray who died during her journey as the first orbital canine. But the USSR sent several dogs to space, and most of the cosmodogs survived. Belka and Strelka flew on Sputnik 5 on Aug. 19, 1960 and were the first Earth-born creatures to enter orbit and return alive. From NASA’s History Office: They flew with a grey rabbit, 42 mice, 2 rats and 15 flasks full of fruit flies and plants. All passengers survived. The cartoon shows both famous dogs, and the taxidermied animal at the bottom is Strelka, on a tour in Australia in 1993.

Felix the Cat

Dogs are more obedient, although NASA’s history office does report that several would-be cosmodogs ran away before their flights. It’s harder to herd cats, but the French tried it anyway. On October 18, 1963, French scientists launched the first cat into space on a Veronique AGI sounding rocket. The cat, named Felix, was retrieved after descending to Earth under parachute. “A second feline flight on October 24 ran into difficulties that prevented recovery,” NASA says. The weird chip shown on the cat’s head is a cranial electrode implant, which transmitted neurological data back to Earth during its trip. The stamp commemorates Felix’s journey. At the bottom, the cats in boxes are actually wearing “space suits,” although NASA never launched any felines into space.

Ham The Astro Chimp

The first ape in space, Ham (an acronym for Holloman Aero Med) flew on a Mercury Redstone rocket a lot like Alan B. Shepard’s. This Thursday marks the 52nd anniversary of his Jan. 31, 1961 flight. Just four years old at the time, Ham performed well on his suborbital journey, reaching an altitude of 157 miles and a top speed of 5,857 mph. In this photo, Ham is seen shaking hands with the commander of his recovery ship, USS Donner (LSD-20). Ham’s mission paved the way for the successful launch of Shepard, America’s first human astronaut, on May 5, 1961. Ham was placed on display at the Washington Zoo in 1963, where he lived alone until September 25, 1980, when he moved to a zoo in North Carolina. He died three years later.


Also known as water bears or moss piglets, these jolly-looking creatures have been found to survive on the outside of spacecraft in the vacuum of space. They can survive in temperatures from just above absolute zero to well above the boiling point of water. Cosmic radiation, ultraviolet radiation from the sun and extreme dehydration neither killed them nor prevented them from procreating, as a 2008 experiment showed.


Meet The World’s Newest Carnivorous Plant

An unassuming herb found on the western coast of North America known as Triantha occidentalis, or western false asphodel, has now joined the ranks of carnivorous plants.

Scientists affixed fruit flies to the sticky stems of T. occidentalis growing in a bog near Vancouver, and found that the plants absorbed significant amounts of nutrients from the insect prey. This common herb is one of only two carnivorous plants to be identified in the past two decades, and its newfound status suggests that other unrecognized meat-eaters may also be growing near major cities, the team reported on August 9 in Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences.

“The plant’s been known for a long time, but it’s never been understood that it’s a carnivore,” says Sean Graham, a botanist at the University of British Columbia in Vancouver and coauthor of the new findings. “My suspicion is that there might be other carnivorous plants out there like this that we don’t know about.”

Carnivorous plants are generally found in sunny, wet habitats with low levels of nutrients in the soil, where their abilities to suck minerals such as nitrogen and phosphorus from hapless animals gives them an edge.

Western false asphodel inhabits wetlands and stream banks along the Pacific coast of North America, from California to Alaska. It belongs to a family with no previous evidence of carnivory, but often grows near known carnivorous plants such as sundews and butterworts. 

The flowering stems of T. occidentalis can grow to about two-and-a-half feet tall during summertime, and are lined with reddish hairs covered in shiny secretions. Scientists have often observed small insects trapped among these sticky hairs.

[Related: Venus flytraps know not to eat the insects that pollinate them]

However, sticky hairs are a common feature in the plant world, and are typically a defense against insect pests, Graham says. Another likely reason why T. occidentalis escaped notice until now: Its traps aren’t as striking and elaborate as those boasted by other carnivorous plants such as Venus flytraps.

​​The first sign that the species might have a carnivorous lifestyle came when a colleague of Graham’s noticed that T. occidentalis is missing a gene involved in photosynthesis that’s also absent in a number of carnivorous plants. 

“That’s what made us suspicious,” Graham says. “They’re already trapping insects, so it’s probably not that hard to take the next step and actually start consuming the insect.”

He and his team decided to investigate whether T. occidentalis does indeed draw sustenance from its victims. Graham’s colleague Qianshi Lin, then a PhD student in botany at the University of British Columbia and now on the faculty at the University of Toronto, fed captive fruit flies a rare form, or isotope, of nitrogen known as nitrogen-15. The researchers then stuck the flies to the leaves or stems of several different species growing in a bog in British Columbia’s Cypress Provincial Park. These included T. occidentalis, a carnivorous sundew, and a non-carnivorous plant from the daisy family known as wandering fleabane. After several weeks, Lin returned to measure how much of the distinctive nitrogen isotope had accumulated in each plant.

“The key thing here is to prove that the nutrients have come from the dead animals and been incorporated into the plant’s body,” Graham says.

Unsurprisingly, the presence of fruit flies seemed to have no effect on the amount of nitrogen-15 in the fleabane. However, the proportion of nitrogen-15 in both the sundew and T. occidentalis increased substantially after the plants had been presented with flies. The researchers estimated that 64 percent of the nitrogen in the herb’s leaves originates from insect meals, comparable to levels seen in other carnivores.

Additionally, the researchers observed, the sticky hairs on the stalks of T. occidentalis secrete a digestive enzyme called phosphatase that’s also found in other carnivorous plants.

The findings suggest that T. occidentalis uses its glistening hairs to lure and ensnare insect snacks. Bizarrely, however, these hairs are located very near T. occidentalis’s flowers.

“That’s really weird, and it’s pretty much unheard of to have the trap close to the flower,” Graham says. 

Most carnivorous species keep a healthy distance between their meat-eating bits and the parts of the plant that must be pollinated by insects. However, Graham says that T. occidentalis probably isn’t putting its own pollinators at risk. The hairs only trap very small flies and beetles, rather than the larger, stronger bees and butterflies responsible for pollinating the plant.

Still, Graham says, many questions remain about T. occidentalis. He and his team are sequencing the plant’s genome to search for features related to carnivory. Other important steps will be investigating whether the closest relatives of western false asphodel might also be carnivorous, which insects are most vulnerable to being captured in the sticky hairs, and what other digestive enzymes the plant produces.

10 Signs You Were Born To Be A Digital Marketer

Choosing a career is one of – perhaps the­ – most important decisions you will make. Some people are drawn to one pursuit or another, while others take the time to cycle through careers before they settle on the perfect fit. How do you know which path is right for you?

Here are ten signs you were born to be in digital marketing:

You Know Communication Skills Rule All

As a digital marketer, every second of your day will be occupied with creating, communicating, synthesizing, organizing, and digesting information. From phrasing a sensitive email tactfully to presenting a new campaign proposal to brainstorming copy to reading about updates in your field, every single day is a see-saw of content input and output. The average office worker receives

The average office worker receives 121 emails daily. The average active web user sees an average of 490,000 words per day, more words than The Lord of the Rings trilogy. The average person spends more than 50% of their time online looking at content, be it news sites, social media, or email. One would expect that these figures are even higher for digital marketers who conduct almost all of their business online.

The ability to communicate your message clearly, succinctly, and engagingly reigns above all else. On the flip side, your ability to draw out the main message from material that is imprecise, long-winded, and dull will serve you well. Communication skills operate in both respects.

You can take courses to improve both writing skills and reading comprehension, but it ultimately boils down to practice and influence. Write often, read always. Devour articles, books, and yes, even tweets, by writers who inspire you.

You Have a Creative Spark Waiting to Be Unleashed

Digital marketing is a creative field, and few things in life can compare with the feeling when you zero in on that perfect tagline after hours of tedious back-and-forth – or when you’re struck with an unprovoked lightning bolt of inspiration at 4 am. You know you were born to be in digital marketing if you have an unquenchable desire to share your creativity with the world and see your work bring recognition (and sales) to your clients.

Creativity is often inborn, but it can certainly be nurture. In a survey of CEOs, creativity was highlighted as the #1 most desired skill. It may not seem it, but think of creativity like a muscle that needs to be trained, and creativity in your free time can reap benefits in your professional life. Play an instrument, sketch artwork, attend plays, and listen to comedy routines. Surround yourself with creative expression and tend to your inner creativity.

You Can Change Your Voice

You can fake it ‘til you make it, or you can be proactive in embracing different voices and roles. Sign up for industry newsletters, read niche websites, and create Twitter lists with influential voices in each sector. You want to be on top of it when DropBox is hacked or a postal strike affects gift delivery, not find out weeks after the fact. Immerse yourself in each world and never assume you’ve learned enough.

You Have an Insatiable Hunger for Knowledge

You need to be constantly updating your knowledge about digital marketing, and about your clients and their industries. There’s always a new feature, algorithm update, or hack. You need to have a desire to seek out, read, and digest news, studies, year-end reports, and case studies about digital marketing.

Follow influencers and digital marketing experts and learn from their insights about developments, best practices, and digital marketing resources. At least 64% of marketers use social media for 6+ hours each week; 41% are active on social media for 11+ hours weekly. Supplement your communication skills and creativity with unending scholarship, learning about SEO, web design, graphic design, PR, sales, and the vast number of other fields related to digital marketing.

There is no end to the resources available to aspiring digital marketers, and most of them are free. Take Lynda courses. Get Google AdWords certified. Watch YouTube videos from the world’s leading digital marketers. Attend workshops and seminars in your city. The only limit is your willingness to invest in your future.

You Thrive in an Ever-Evolving Environment

Fingers crossed this never happens, but you might have to handle a PR crisis or chase down a client with an overdue account. You may be smooth sailing, and a new Google algorithm update throws everything into chaos. According to an Adobe survey, 76% of respondents believe marketing has changed more in the past two years than in the previous 50.

Even though you work in digital, you also need to integrate traditional marketing techniques. These ever-evolving environments don’t scare those who were born to be in digital marketing – these scenarios excite them. You get to wear many hats, and impress no matter your role.

You Can Hack It On Your Own…And Play Well With Others

You were born to be in digital marketing if you can work on your own, and succeed in doing so. You need to be extremely self-motivated, organized, and independent. You need to be productive even when no one is there to guide you, and troubleshoot your way out of every dead-end. This is especially true if you set out on your own as a digital marketing consultant.

There are a number of productivity and organization tools you can use to stay on the ball, whether you use Google Calendar, Evernote, Swipes, and more.

At the same time, you need to work well in a team environment. You need to be able to collaborate, delegate, take orders, give orders, and excel whether on your own or as a small cog in a big marketing machine. You need to form a productive and healthy partnership with every client as you work toward shared goals.

You Can Cede the Spotlight, or Step Into it With Poise

As a digital marketing manager, you do work on behalf of your clients. Your best work will often be published and promoted under the names of other people and entities. You were born to be in digital marketing if you are comfortable working in the background and can take pride in your hard work and accomplishments even if you don’t get public recognition. At the same time, you may be asked to take a public role at times, like presenting at a conference or leading a webinar. You are prepared for these instances and approach them with confidence and poise.

You can take courses on public speaking and watch tutorials on how to look more confident and prepared on camera. When you believe in what you’re saying and have a strong understanding of the subject material, it’s a lot easier to buy what you’re selling.

You Embrace Data

Digital marketing is a mix of art and science. You believe in measuring and analyzing the data and making tweaks to improve performance. You aren’t scared of what the numbers say; you welcome them with open arms because they draw a picture of where the results have been and where they need to go.

You learn the terminology and the meaning behind it. You were born to be in digital marketing if terms like CPC, CTR, and ROI feel like home. As much as 42% of B2B marketers point to a lack of quality data as an obstacle in lead generation; you’re eager to change that.

You Never Give Up in the Face of Adversity

You’re going to encounter obstacles in the course of your career as a digital marketer. You will have disappointing campaigns, obstinate clients, creativity slumps, and days/months/years where things don’t go your way. There will always be too little time, too much competition, too little budget, too little data.

You were born to be a digital marketer if you focus on solutions and learning from mistakes, not wallowing in self-pity and doubt. If you take a proactive approach to preventing miscommunications in the first place, even better.

Finally…You Love It

If you flat out love digital marketing, this is a surefire sign that you’ve chosen the right path. From that first meeting with a prospect through the discovery, creative, deployment, and review phases of a digital marketing campaign, you love what you do and can’t imagine enjoying or excelling at any other career path as much. Choosing a career is a difficult decision process, so don’t ignore or mistake the signs that you were born to be a digital marketer.

Even if you weren’t born with a soother in one hand and a copy of Gary Vaynerchuk’s latest marketing book in the other, you can still embrace and hone these qualities to become an exceptional digital marketing professional.

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Meet Wisp, The Wireless Future Of Internet Service

The Internet connection we all rely on is about to change, now that WISP is coming to town.

Most people get Internet service from either a telephone company or a cable company because those providers already provide physical connections to their homes and businesses. A WISP (wireless Internet service provider) doesn’t need to bring wire to your location, making it a good solution for serving rural areas where telcos and cable companies couldn’t be bothered to invest. WISP was unable to match the speed and reliability of DSL and cable modems, however, until recently. As wireless technology has evolved, WISPs are beginning to compete in urban areas on speed and price. Here’s how it works.

What makes a WISP

Wireless Internet service providers (WISPs) use tower-mounted antennas to transmit and receive radio signals, much as cellular service providers do.

Satellite TV providers that also provide wireless Internet service, such as Dish Network, are closer to being WISPs. They can deliver wireless Internet service to any home that has a clear view of the southern sky. But the data must travel very long distances, which limits the service’s speed, and lag can be a big problem—especially for playing games.

A true WISP is a mix of cellular provider and satellite provider elements. Like a cell provider, it mounts antennas on towers (or atop buildings) to transmit signals, and it installs an antenna—or in some cases, a dish—on the customer’s home or building. Like a satellite service provider, it typically delivers service to a fixed location.

Comparing pricing and features

Most WISPs offer tiered service levels, charging higher fees for faster speeds and/or more bandwidth. Like telcos, cable companies, and other ISPs, WISPs typically require you to commit to a one- or two-year contract, and they charge an installation or activation fee.

Most WISPs are regional operators that serve limited areas. Netlinx, for instance, serves residential and business customers in southern Pennsylvania. The company’s prices for residential service range from $30 to $80 per month. At the low end, you get download speeds of up to 1 mbps, with speed bursts of up to 3 mbps. Upload speeds at this tier are 512 kilobits per second. At the high end, you get download speeds of up to 15 mbps (with bursts up to 30 mbps) and upload speeds of 3 mbps.

The WISP will install a smaller antenna on the customer’s home.

Many WISPs provide faster upload speeds than the typical 5 to 10 mbps that most cable and DSL providers offer. That can be useful for businesses with remote offices, offsite PC or server backup requirements, or other applications where upload speeds are just as important as download speeds.

Like other ISPs, some WISPs limit how much data you can use per month, but these limits tend to be more generous than what cell, satellite, and even some cable providers offer. A few, such as Wisper ISP (serving southern Illinois and eastern Missouri), provide uncapped service.

Utah-based Vivint, a newcomer to the WISP market, is offering wireless Internet service at upload and download speeds of 50 mbps for just $55 per month. But the company—best known for its home-security/automation services—has only just begun to roll out its service, which is not widely available outside Utah.

Finding a WISP

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